Koreo-Japonica: A Re-evaluation of a Common Genetic Origin (Hawaii Studies on Korea)
If necessary students will have an opportunity to give a presentation on topics they are interested in. At the end of the module the students will be expected to write an essay in English on a topic of their choice, using Korean-language materials. Brown, Lucien. The Handbook of Korean Linguistics. Wiley Blackwell. Yeon, Jaehoon. Tranter ed. Abingdon and New York: Routledge.
Important notice regarding changes to programmes and modules. Prerequisites No pre-requisites needed for this module. It is also available as an open option.
Objectives and learning outcomes of the module On successful completion of this module a student will be able to: Read, comprehend and translate Pre-modern Korean text; Understand and engage with a range of historical documents in the Korean language; Find and select appropriate Korean-language texts from a variety of sources; Understand various issues in Korean historical linguistics; Make use of appropriate Pre-Modern Korean-language sources to answer a research question and formulate an argument in an English-language essay.
Suggested reading Show Required reading list. Core Reading: Lee, Iksop.
Koreo-Japonica: A Re-evaluation of a Common Genetic Origin (Hawai'i Studies on Korea)
The Korean Language. State University of New York Press. Lee, Ki-Moon, and Robert Ramsey. A History of the Korean language. Cambridge: CUP. Additional Reading: Beckwith, Christopher I. Leiden: Brill. Kim, Jeongsu. English translation by Ross King. I accept it as a valid etymology supporting the correspondence s : t, but it is necessary to note that this word may only be a loan, since it refers to a certain object with a metal blade that did not exist during the Lower Neolithic. Also, the Koreo-Japonic proto-language could not possibly be less than 6, to 4, years old, when metallurgy did not yet exist in East Asia.
Koreo-Japonica: A Re-evaluation of a Common Genetic Origin (Hawai'i Studies on Korea)
Thus, this etymology must be abandoned due to the semantics of the Japanese form. I do not think this poem constitutes evidence for EOJ -tu. Plucking the ends [of branches] of the willows at the fence and letting them wither, I will wait [for you] MYS XIV: The place of origin of this poem is not known either, and again it looks like a normal Western Old Japanese text, with no peculiarities typical of Eastern Old Japanese.
I think this poem offers some weak evidence for EOJ -tu. I believe this poem provides strong evidence in favor of EOJ -tu. The other four appear to be normal Western Old Japanese texts. Both contexts appear frequently in Western Old Japanese poetry, and it is quite possible that they were just imitated by Eastern poets. Thus, one can clearly see that even WOJ -tu was probably short-lived, although it appears in the oldest extant texts of the Kojiki in contrast to active case marker -i. There are no traces of -tu in Ryukyuan, and that brings us to the logical conclusion that -tu must be a loan from Korean as well.
The answer, I believe, lies in Old Korean. See Vovin for details. The accusative marker in both Western and Eastern Old Japanese is clearly -wo. The first of these markers is also attested in Miyako, for example, Shimoji -yu, Psara -yu Nohara , Hirayama Therefore, Miyako accusative -yu can be tentatively accepted alongside OR -yo as a cognate of OJ -wo. Locative case markers are more susceptible to borrowing than are nominative, genitive, and accusative markers. There is no equivalent in Middle Korean or any other later variety of Korean.
I believe, however, that it also is preserved in some other occurences. The image of Hwarang Kipha is represented by the reflection of the moon in the water. Morphological Comparisons———57 of unknown origin. If people from [your] home ask me where [are you], how should [I] answer? The reconstruction of the initial consonant may be more problematic, but I think it stands on firm ground due to the following data from Old Korean. The Kumejima dialect also exhibits -naa as a locative.
As implied by the Ryukyuan uncontracted form -nakai, unless it is an innovation, the -N- part of Old Japanese -Nkari and Ryukyuan -Nkai probably represents the locative case marker -na, attested in Eastern Old Japanese and various Ryukyuan dialects. Nevertheless, we end up with only this one case marker that can be reconstructed for Proto-Japonic and at the same time can be compared with Korean.
Korean and Japonic case marker paradigms are very different, and it is impossible to reconstruct a single original paradigm that would account for both systems. In some cases, as I demonstrated above, similarities between Korean and Japonic can be better explained as loans, since the case markers in question are not really Japonic, but specifically Japanese or even Western Old Japanese.
A single occurence of a directive locative marker is unlikely to prove a genetic relationship. OK MK Active -i — — -i erg. Note, however, that those Western Old Japanese case markers with Korean parallels are not attested in other branches of Japonic, with the exception of dative-locative -ra, which has a singular attestation in Eastern Old Japanese.
Such a distribution certainly speaks in favor of an areal rather than a genetic relationship between Korean and Japonic.
Therefore, we have no choice but to rely on the information we can secure from Middle Korean and Korean dialects, but the latter, to the best of my knowledge, do not provide any important information for the reconstruction of Proto-Korean. There is no clear-cut distinction between singular and plural, as in Korean, although in most cases the plural is expressed by the extended stems ware, are, and nare Vovin a: , , Morphological Comparisons———63 in one text that exists in two variants Vovin a: , so it will not be discussed below.
It has no cognates in Ryukyuan, and does not occur in any other varieties of Japonic. It also appears in Ryukyuan, but there are some problems with its attestation that I discuss below.
Morphological Comparisons———65 Ryukyuan The second person pronoun na is attested comparatively well in Ryukyuan. The only questionable attestation in Sakishima is in Hateruma, but Hateruma has the aberrant form daa, which is probably not related. In all these dialects this second person pronoun seems to have a similar function to the Shuri pronoun naa, which is a familiar pronoun used toward older people of lower status RGJ This leaves masi and na competing for the status of a ProtoJapanese pronoun.
Although there has been a traditional comparison of OJ na and MK ne, both second person pronouns, I suspect that na is a loan from Korean ne, while masi represents a true Proto-Japanese but not Proto-Japonic pronoun. The situation again indicates an areal, not a genetic, relationship. We can see that there are different series of Middle Korean interrogative pronouns based on different roots.
The Japonic interrogative pronouns also look suspiciously heterogeneous, similar to their Korean counterparts. Morphological Comparisons———67 several series for Japonic interrogative pronouns. This distinction probably originated in Modern Korean under Japanese influence. Second, we have no means to verify the suggestion that in pre-OJ. Third, a change in the history of Japonic from a tripartite system to a binary and then back to a tripartite is circular. Fourth, proposing a system for Proto-Japonic that is virtually identical with the Middle Korean system indicates a reliance on the Middle Korean data in the first place, and on the premise that those systems must have been more similar in the past than they are in Old Japanese and Middle Korean.
But the relationship between Old Japanese and Middle Korean is not proven, so we do not know whether the systems were identical or not. Therefore, in order to avoid another circular argument, one must demonstrate on strictly internal grounds that it is possible to reconstruct a Proto-Japonic system of demonstrative pronouns identical to the Middle Korean system of demonstrative pronouns, and not to attempt a derivation of the former from the latter.
Fifth, the only evidence for PJ and pre-OJ. Sixth, and most important, the idea that pre-OJ. OJ ka- is attested in Old Japanese texts very infrequently. However, it is necessary to remember that low frequency does not necessarily suggest innovation; it might also indicate an archaism. In order to decide whether a form is an innovation or an archaism we must look outside Old Japanese at other Japonic dialects that are not within the same Central Japonic group.
The Ryukyuan data present an interesting picture in the comparative perspective.
In any case, the fact that distal ka- is found in Old Japanese, Middle Japanese, and Ryukyuan satisfies our requirement for considering a form to be Proto-Japonic. Why it has such a low frequency in Old Japanese is likely to remain a mystery, but we should not treat Old Japanese as if it had Morphological Comparisons———71 the same role for Japonic as Latin does for the Romance languages.
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In addition, we should not forget that the development from Old Japanese to Middle Japanese was not strictly linear: both Old Japanese and Middle Japanese are based on geographically close but not quite identical dialects. We probably can reconstruct tripartite systems of demonstrative pronouns for both Korean and Japonic, although the reconstruction of the mesial in the latter is problematic. However, it is quite clear that these systems are not comparable; therefore, they cannot offer any evidence for a genetic relationship. Whose spouse [is she]? It looks like they were introduced into the language 26 The meager evidence for these markers from Old Ryukyuan that Martin discusses and rightfully rejects is likely to represent loans from mainland Japanese and is certainly not sufficient to establish a genetic relationship.
Morphological Comparisons———73 under Old Korean influence. Moreover, it is possible that both were borrowed from Old Korean. The first oddity Let us start with the copula derivatives: nar-i Morphological Comparisons———75 that lack any typical Eastern Old Japanese features. This oddity should not detain us further for details see 2. The fifth oddity It may seem that copula tu exists in modern Shuri: RGJ gives two examples besides the comitative case marker tu that can be recognized as a copula RGJ However, I have examined several Shuri texts I have, and while the comitative tu is frequent, strangely enough, the copula tu is not present.
I would like to add that the adnominal copula nu and adverbial ni are present in these texts. That makes me think that the copula tu is at least comparatively rare in Shuri.